Landmark report makes 54 recommendations to combat Islamophobia in Australia. Now government must act

Australian Muslim communities have been calling for official recognition of Islamophobia as a serious social problem for many years.

Now, for the first time, the long-awaited report^[1] from Australia’s first Islamophobia envoy has given the federal government a comprehensive set of 54 recommendations for addressing it.

The role of the special envoy

The Albanese government created two special envoys in early 2024, one for Islamophobia and another for antisemitism. This was in response to escalation of hate incidents, particularly after the start of the Gaza war in October 2023.

Aftab Malik was appointed^[2] Islamophobia envoy in September 2024. Malik is a respected British-Australian Muslim scholar and community leader.

In late 2024 and early 2025, Malik travelled widely across Australia to hear directly from Muslim communities. His report reflects those consultations and sets out a national plan for change.

What the report recommends

There can be no doubting the seriousness of the Islamophobia situation in Australia. The Islamophobia Register^[3] has recorded a 530% increase^[4] in reports since October 7 2023.

Malik’s 54 recommendations propose a whole-of-society response, spanning government, law, health, education, media, sport and political culture.

At the political level, Malik recommends government:

confront Islamophobia with equivalent urgency to other discriminatory practices, and provide it with the same rights, protections, and legal recourse.

He also urges Australia to:

formally recognise the International Day to Combat Islamophobia on 15 March, as established by the United Nations General Assembly.

In terms of political culture, Malik recommends parliament should:

• develop behavioural codes of conduct for all Australian parliamentarians and staff
• implement a zero-tolerance approach to racism, with appropriate sanctions
• make training programs on Islamophobia mandatory for all parliamentarians and staff.

Legal reform is another key area. Malik calls on government to establish a commission of inquiry into Islamophobia. He recommends a similar commission to investigate anti-Palestinian and anti-Arab racism. And like parliamentarians, police should receive sensitivity training about Islamophobia.

He also suggests the Racial Discrimination Act^[5] should be clarified to specifically include Muslims, as it does Jews and Sikhs.

Education receives special attention. Malik proposes an overarching anti-racism framework for the sector, and for the national curriculum to include “Muslim contributions to Australia, Western civilisation and the development of universal values”. Further, there should be programs designed to better understand the links and commonalities between Judaism, Christianity and Islam.

On community safety and support, Malik recommends funding for the safety of Muslim not-for-profit institutions, particularly mosques.

Media and digital platforms are another area of concern. Malik recommends the government “strengthen […] online safety laws to more effectively challenge online hate”.

The message of these recommendations is clear: Islamophobia should be treated with the same seriousness as antisemitism or racism against Indigenous Australians.

Shortcomings and potential controversies

While Malik’s report is groundbreaking, it is not beyond critique. The recommendations rely heavily on government goodwill. A cross-agency taskforce is proposed, but without an independent authority to enforce them, implementation could easily stall.

Some recommendations may prove controversial. Strengthening online safety laws and holding media accountable could be criticised as limiting free speech.

Anticipating this criticism, Malik stresses his recommendations are not about silencing criticism of Islam. Rather, “they are intended to address the serious issue of prejudice, racism and hate that incite discrimination, hostility or violence”.

Parliamentary codes of conduct and mandatory training for MPs may be dismissed as excessive political correctness.

An independent review of counter-terrorism laws could face resistance from security agencies. Visa bans for hate preachers raises questions about who defines hate speech.

The report also overlaps with the Human Rights Commission’s National Anti-Racism Framework. It gives government a central role, but devotes less attention to empowering Muslim communities themselves to lead initiatives.

Possible responses

There are three possible responses to Malik’s report.

The first is to downplay it, treating Islamophobia as the unfortunate by-product of international conflict. This shifts blame back to the victims.

The second response is to whitewash the report. Some may fear that recognising Islamophobia implies something is inherently wrong with Australian society. Muslims have raised the issue for decades, but are often told it is a temporary phase that will fade away.

The third response is the democratic one: to take the findings seriously and act on them. The report is an opportunity to openly acknowledge Islamophobia as a national problem and implement strategies to address it. Protecting minorities is a core function of democracy.

Malik’s report is a landmark work. For the first time, the experiences of Muslim Australians have been systematically documented and addressed in a national framework.

The government must now act decisively. Filing the report away would betray the trust of more than a million Australians. Acting on it would protect Muslims and strengthen the social fabric for all.

References

1. ^{^} long-awaited report (www.oseci.gov.au)
2. ^{^} appointed (www.pm.gov.au)
3. ^{^} Islamophobia Register (islamophobia.com.au)
4. ^{^} 530% increase (www.abc.net.au)
5. ^{^} Racial Discrimination Act (www.legislation.gov.au)